State Surveillance of Indigenous Protests in Canada

‘Splinter group’ protests worry Indian Affairs: documents

APTN National News, June 8, 2011
-The federal government has developed a “Hotspot” reporting system to monitor First Nations protests that includes the involvement of several departments, police and intelligence agencies, according to documents provided to APTN National News.

The documents also show that Indian Affairs has divided First Nations protests into those organized by band councils and those organized by “splinter groups,” which the department concluded were “harder to manage” and “unpredictable.”

The internal Indian Affairs and RCMP documents appeared to have been drafted in preparation for the June 29, 2007, National Day of Action, which eventually lead to the shutdown of one of Canada’s busiest highways, the 401 in Ontario, for several hours.

The documents were first obtained through the Access to Information Act by Russ Diabo and Shiri Pasternak for the First Nations Strategic Bulletin. They also published an article based on the documents for The Media Co-op.

The documents reveal the scope of Ottawa’s monitoring of First Nations protest across several government departments including Indian Affairs, Fisheries and Oceans, Transport Canada, Natural Resources Canada and the Privy Council Office, along with the RCMP and the Canadian Security Intelligence Service.

The documents show that Indian Affairs, while usually out of the spotlight during these events, plays a pivotal role in relaying information to other departments and authorities. The department has developed a Hotspot reporting system designed to provide “continuous environmental monitoring” and “information dissemination” or existing and emerging risks.” The department has also developed a “Hotspot” binder to summarize and analyze “case files.”

The Hotspot system includes input not only from Indian Affairs, but also from Fisheries and Oceans, Natural Resources Canada’s regional offices, federal negotiation teams, police intelligence and Indian affairs media services. It also seeks “synergy” with Public Safety reporting systems that include CSIS, RCMP, and the Integrated Threat Assessment Centre.

The Indian Affairs document, dated March 30, 2007, noted there was a need to “improve communications and collaborations” between departments and agencies.

“It became evident that most (law enforcement) officials are ignorant regarding INAC roles and responsibilities and mandate…Conversely, the role of law enforcement, and an understanding of their related capacities appears also lack from an INAC perspective,” the document quotes from a separate document titled, Identifying Collaborative Efforts to Deter and Mitigate the Impact of Organized Crime on First Nations Governance and Well Being.

The document noted that there “was payback” for improving communications and quotes Ron George, who lead the OPP’s Aboriginal Relations Team during the Caledonia crisis.

“What distinguishes Caledonia from Ipperwash is that (operational) communications was established quickly and maintained,” George is quoted as saying. “Though the OPP never contemplated an event of that complexity.”

Dudley George was shot and killed during the 1995 occupation of Ipperwash Provincial Park in Ontario.

Indian Affairs, however, makes a distinction between types of protests, stating in its presentation that those authorized by band councils are easier to manage than those driven by so-called splinter groups.

While the document doesn’t specifically detail the definition of splinter groups, it seems to encompass First Nations community members who act without band council backing.

The department listed the Six Nations land seizure in Caledonia, Ont., the Tyendinaga Mohawk rail blockades and quarry occupations in Ontario and a highway blockade near Grassy Narrows, Ont., as protests all lead by splinter groups, according to the department presentation titled, Aboriginal Hot Spots and Public Safety.

The documents shows that Indian Affairs officials refuse to recognize these groups over concerns it could undermine the elected band councils.

“Incidents led by splinter groups are arguable harder to manage as they exist outside negotiation processes to resolve recognized grievances with duly elected leaders,” said the document. “We seek to avoid giving standing to such splinter groups so as not to debase the legally recognized government.”

The document also says some protests involve “multiple competing power groups” that “involve illicit agendas” like smuggling. The involvement of warrior societies and non-Aboriginal counter protest groups also “complicated” situations.

Department officials prefer to deal with band council leaders who organize events that “tend to be transparent and disciplined,” according to the document.

First Nations leaders often talk tough about impending conflict arising from unresolved issues between Canada and First Nations, but when the real possibility of violence rises, they usually back away, the document said.

“There is a tendency to predict extremism as a consequence of problems in Canada/First Nations relations,” said the document. “But where there is a potential for actual violence, there is a tendency to dissuade members from participating in the event.”

The document says the majority of First Nations protests, or 66 per cent, are triggered by lands and resources grievances, followed by quality of life concerns, at 28 per cent, and governance problems at about six per cent.

The document said that most protests are triggered by land development activities on traditional territories.

These underlying, rights-driven grievances make First Nations protest different from labour and political protests, according to the RCMP presentation, titled, RCMP Operational Response to Aboriginal Occupations and Protest.

“The law and context of Aboriginal protests is fundamentally different than non-Aboriginal protests,” said the presentation, dated April 3, 2007. “The assertion of rights is a fundamental and defining characteristic of Aboriginal protests.”

The RCMP document also notes that police may get political pressure to end protests with force as a result of the “exorbitant” costs associated with handling these types of events.

“The exorbitant policing costs associated with managing these events can lead to political pressure on the police to act more quickly or use force to resolve the situation,” said the document.

The “unique” nature of First Nations protests also put police forces in awkward situations, facing criticism from all sides, creating a frustrating situation for police.

“The often disparate and fracture nature of these events can lead the police to become the proverbial ‘meat in the sandwich’ and the subject of negative public sentiments,” said the document. “Perception of a two-tiered approach to enforcement can generate significant criticism…because there are limitations on what the police can negotiate and success often depends on others, the role of the police can become frustrating.”

APTN was also provided a number of Indian Affairs “Hot Spot” bulletins from August and November 2010.

They shows the department reporting on everything from Kanesatake residents in Quebec opposing development plans on their territory, to a Stz’uminus First Nations flotilla blocking commercial fishing boats on the opening day of the geoduck fishery.

The bulletins also included reports on a planned, flood-triggered evacuation in Dauphin River First Nation, Man., and a possible contamination from mineral oil leaking from two transformers on the Tobique First Nation in New Brunswick.

First Nations Under Surveillance

Harper Government Prepares for First Nations “Unrest”

by Russell Diabo and Shiri Pasternak

Internal documents from Indian Affairs and the RCMP show that shortly after forming government in January of 2006, Prime Minister Stephen Harper had the federal government tighten up on gathering and sharing intelligence on First Nations to anticipate and manage potential First Nation unrest across Canada.

Information obtained by Access to Information requests reveals that almost immediately upon taking power in 2006, the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (INAC) was given the lead role to spy on First Nations. The goal was to identify the First Nation leaders, participants and outside supporters of First Nation occupations and protests, and to closely monitor their actions.

To accomplish this task, INAC established a “Hot Spot Reporting System.” These weekly reports highlight all those communities across the country that engage in direct action to protect their lands and communities. They include Tobique First Nation, Tsartlip First Nation, the Algonquins of Barriere Lake, Teztan Biny (Fish Lake) First Nation, Six Nations, Grassy Narrows, Stz’uminous First Nation, the Likhts’amsiyu Clan of the Wet’suwet’en First Nation, Gitxaala First Nation, Wagmatcook First Nation, Innu of Labrador, Pikangikum First Nation, and many more. They include bands from the coast of Vancouver Island to the shores of the Atlantic Ocean.

What we see in these documents – from the hot spot reports themselves, to the intelligence-sharing between government and security forces – is a closely monitored population of First Nations, who clearly are causing a panic at the highest levels of Canadian bureaucracy and political office.

Fear of Aboriginal “Hotspots”

In 2006, INAC gave the name “hot spots” to those First Nations conflicts of “growing concern” due to “unrest” and increasing “militancy.” In a briefing presentation that INAC gave the RCMP that year, they identified certain communities as hotspots: Caledonia, Ontario (Douglas Creek Estates occupation); Belleville, Ontario (Montreal/Toronto Rail Blockade in sympathy to Caledonia); Brantford, Ontario (Grand River Conservation Authority Lands); Desoronto, Ontario (Occupation of Quarry); Grassy Narrows (Blockade of Trans Canada Hwy by environmentalists); and Maniwaki, Quebec (Blockade of Route 117).

But the “hot spot binder” prepared each week by INAC officials closely monitors any and all action taking place across the country and names dozens more communities as sources of potential unrest. A particular concern of the federal government is that these “hotspots” are unpredictable protests because they are led by what the federal government labels as “splinter groups” of “Aboriginal Extremists.”  As INAC describes in the same presentation to the RCMP:

Incidents led by splinter groups are arguably harder to manage as they exist outside negotiation processes to resolve recognized grievances with duly elected leaders. We seek to avoid giving standing to such splinter groups so as not to debase the legally recognized government. Incidents are also complicated by external groups such as Warrior Societies or non-Aboriginal counter-protest groups.

Telling in the INAC statement above is that the identified protests are “outside of negotiation processes” with elected councils. Canada is clearly spooked by the spectre of First Nations demanding Crown recognition of Indigenous sovereignty and self-determination, as well as Aboriginal and Treaty Rights, beyond the narrow confines of Crown land claims and self-government policies. These so-called “splinter” groups also threaten the status quo by demanding their own First Nation leaders, staff and advisors to pull out of the compromising negotiations.

Also telling here is the cozy cooperative relationship between INAC and the RCMP. The INAC briefing to the RCMP is almost indistinguishable from a presentation one would expect to see from security forces, rather than from a government ministry. Contrary to their claims, Indian Affairs is not an institution of reconciliation and negotiation, but rather appears to be a management office to control the costs of Native unrest, and they are willing to work closely with law enforcement to accomplish this task.

In addition to the hotspot reporting, the Deputy Ministers of Public Safety Emergency Preparedness Canada and INAC directed that a summer operational plan be prepared in 2006 to deal with Aboriginal occupations and protests. A progress report on the operational plan reveals the blueprint for security integration on First Nations issues.

The “Standing Information Sharing Forum,” for example, is Chaired by the RCMP and includes as its members the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS), the Department of Fisheries, Government of Canada, Natural Resources Canada, Transportation Canada, and involves weekly conference calls and continuous information dissemination by INAC to its partners.

Harper is moving towards a security paradigm familiar since the War on Terror was launched in 2001. The inclusion of Transportation Canada at the Information Sharing Forum should also alert us to the commercial threat of blockades to the free trade agenda.

Aboriginal people who are defending their lands are now treated on a spectrum from criminals to terrorists. On either side, under Harper, an intensification of intelligence gathering and surveillance procedures now govern the new regime.

Haudenosaunee/Six Nations Iroquois Confederacy

It is also clear from INAC’s presentation to the RCMP that they are particularly worried about the Haudenosaunee/Six Nations Iroquois Confederacy. They mention “Warrior Societies” and an “illicit agenda,” referring at several points to concerns around smuggling. The federal government deems the tobacco/cigarette trade as “illicit” because Canada is not getting paid taxes by the Mohawks who are operating the businesses.

However, the 1995 federal Aboriginal Self-Government policy, which was developed unilaterally by the federal government, does not allow for sharing jurisdiction with First Nations for real powers over trade and commerce matters.  The federal self-government policy only allows small business operations on-reserve. Historically, the federal government has used the Indian Act to control and manage on-reserve economic development so there was no real competition with surrounding non-Indian businesses and towns. On the prairies, First Nations agriculture was undermined and led to the failure of farming on-reserve because of complaints from non-Indians. This policy of non-competition is still the reality today.

The federal government is particularly concerned about the Haudenosaunee/Six Nations Iroquois Confederacy actions at Caledonia, as the INAC 2006 report describes it: “Caledonia was and remains a significant event in risk management.

The RCMP agree. In a 2007 report to CSIS, they state: “Caledonia continues to serve as a beacon on land claims and Aboriginal rights issues across Canada.

Canada is extremely worried about First Nations taking back lands and resources outside the scope of their one-sided land claims and self-government “negotiation processes,” as was done at Kanenhstaton/Caledonia.

In order to contain the situation, the Crown governments have dispatched hard-nosed, experienced negotiators who have presented unmovable positions from the Harper government, which is likely why there hasn’t been any negotiated resolution of the situation at Kanenhstaton/Caledonia to this date. The Crown government obviously remain worried more lands will be “occupied” by the Six Nations “extremist” “splinter groups.”

Ever since the 1990 stand-off in Kanesatake and Kahnawake, the federal government, the security and police agencies, and the Canadian army have been worried about a repeat of coordinated First Nation political actions across Canada.

The 2007 National Day Of Action 

Specific information about policing First Nations was obtained in a series of Access to Information requests about the AFN National Day of Action that took place on June 29th, 2007. A 2007 RCMP brief to CSIS lays out a number of concerns regarding the National Day of Action.

First of all, the RCMP is mainly concerned about protecting their men and women in uniform, both from the perspective of First Nations confronting the police on front lines, and from the perspective of negative public sentiment for their potential handling of the event: “The often disparate and fractured nature of these events can lead the police to become the proverbial ‘meat in the sandwich’ and the subject of negative public sentiment.

The RCMP also show concern that a lack of coordination, or “a fractured and inconsistent approach” by police forces, could “galvanize Nations throughout Canada.” Is this to say that violence instigated by police could lead to solidarity actions by First Nations across the country? Or that perceived weakness in policing could lead other First Nations to take a stand? Either way, in response, cooperation between departments, security forces, and ministries are deemed to be necessary to provide a strong united front against First Nations protest.

The RCMP also caution that, “Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal extremists often see these events as an opportunity to escalate or agitate the conflict.” By inference, we can guess that they may be referring to groups unaffiliated with the Assembly of First Nations (AFN), unwilling to negotiate under Crown policies, or prepared to engage in tactics not sanctioned by the official leadership, such as property destruction and armed conflict. Non-Aboriginal groups are also cited here as potentially threatening, giving credence to recent targeting of G20 “ringleaders” who feel their Indigenous solidarity work has made them targets of the Crown and police forces.

Cost is a serious concern to the RCMP, as well. Not only is the price tag for policing these nation-wide events “exorbitant,” and therefore can lead to rash policing decisions to use force in order to bring a quick end to conflicts, but the economic risks of blockades are themselves potentially catastrophic. As the RCMP warn, “The recent CN strike represents the extent in which a national railway blockade could effect the economy of Canada.

The RCMP also express this curious concern: “The police role may be complicated by the conventional and sometimes political view that there is a clear distinction between policy and police operations.” Clearly, where the distinction slips between police and policy roles, the RCMP become simply Indian Agents, carrying out the colonial work of the department. Given the information disclosed here, this distinction is impossible to maintain. Where police intimidate and arrest Indigenous peoples on their own lands, there is no law on the police’s side.

There is also a considerable public relations issue at stake here. The RCMP displayed concern at the potential fall-out of a number of “perception” problems that could befall the forces:

Perception of a two-tiered approach to enforcement can generate significant criticism and motivate non-Aboriginal activists.

An intense and protracted event may lead to long-standing erosion of relationships for the police and the community – they are usually always the victims.

Because there are limitations on what the police can negotiate and success often depends on others, the role of the police can become frustrating.

The RCMP realize to some extent that they must choose between First Nations approval of their policing tactics and the wrath of a public convinced that blockades are criminal, rather than political acts. The police, however, contrary to their assertions, are not the victims here. They are just the dupes in a much older game of cowboys and Indians.

The above RCMP statements show that even with all of the federal financial and managerial control over First Nation Chiefs and Leaders, except, apparently for the former AFN National Chief, Phil Fontaine, the Chiefs and Leaders were still not entirely trusted by the federal government and that a large concern in 2007 was the potential for a broad national coordinated series of local and regional political actions by First Nations.

One insight emerges strongly here: most threatening of all to security and government forces is coordinated First Nations action. This can be seen clearly from the reports. At one point in the 2007 INAC to RCMP briefing, concern is expressed about a First Nations conference because, “The 2006 Numbered Treaty Conference proposed a ‘national’ movement of independent actions to express discontent.

Their fear is palpable where they follow the trajectory of the Day of Action. It was first proposed by Chief Terrance Nelson at the Assembly of First Nations’ general assembly, where the motion carried. The nation-wide event was later confirmed in a personal meeting between the RCMP Commissioner and then-National Chief Phil Fontaine. “Mr. Fontaine expressed his concern over the sense of frustration that seems to exist among First Nation leaders and the growing resolve to support a June 29th blockade,” a memo states.

The growing unrest, of course, cannot be resolved through greater coordination of security and government forces. First Nation frustration with this strategy will only continue to mount.

Crown Reward-Punishment System Divides Leaders and People

If coordinated action gets the goods, special attention must be paid to the government’s particular interest in “splinter” groups.

Under Canada’s colonial system, the struggle for Indigenous sovereignty, self-determination, Aboriginal and Treaty rights has historically been undermined by First Nations who cooperated with the Crown government turning in those First Nations who were resisting the Crown’s colonial system.

Over time this evolved into the Crown dividing First Nations into the “progressive” Indian Bands and the backward or “traditional” Indian Bands. The federal government through the various Indian Affairs departments, developed an approach to reward the “progressive” Indians and punish the “traditional” Indians.

This federal reward-punishment approach still exists, though the “Indian Agents” have been replaced by the Band Councils who now deliver Crown programs and services to their community members. The Band Councils and other First Nation organizations’ formula-funding are controlled by a system of legislation, policies, terms and conditions – all designed, controlled and managed largely by the federal Crown bureaucracy and politicians in Ottawa.

The First Nations Chiefs and Leaders who become more known and prominent are largely the individuals who have been trained and supported by federal bureaucrats. These individuals become known for their seeming ability to get federal capital dollars to build new houses, schools and other community infrastructure, or additional program dollars for enhancing Band programs.

However, the point is, none of these individuals would have gotten anywhere without federal support to advance their political careers. This is the reward system at work. For those Chiefs and Leaders who don not cooperate with the federal government, they can be ignored and/or stalled on funding requests. In some circumstances the federal government will even support “splinter groups” to take out the offending Chief or Leader. A current prominent example of this is the Algonquins of Barriere Lake in Western Quebec, but this also occurred historically at the Six Nations Grand River Territory.

The INAC and RCMP documents make it clear that while the Canadian State Security Apparatus is concerned about “splinter groups,” they also are somewhat concerned about Chiefs and Leaders from Indian Act Band Councils and First Nation establishment organizations like AFN and their Provincial/Territorial Organizations becoming Aboriginal “extremists.”

What the INAC and RCMP briefings show is that there needs to be unity on the ground with coordinated political actions between First Nations Peoples in order to protect, defend and advance First Nation pre-existing sovereignty, and First Nation Aboriginal and Treaty rights to lands and resources. Divide and conquer tactics can only be met with new strategies of alliance-building, and by bringing the leadership back down to the land.

An earlier version of this article appeared in the First Nations Strategic Bulletin.

Posted on June 11, 2011, in Counter-Insurgency, Defending Territory and tagged , , , , , . Bookmark the permalink. 4 Comments.

  1. The Alberta response Model teams in Edmonton have chosen to close down most of the posted information on Facebook and it is no longer safe to make contacts through them. The use of several First nations programs to promote the murder and abuse of First nations children has come to light. The most dominant of these is the Aboriginal Consulting Services fully funded by corrections. This service is promoting abuse of First Nations women and children by accepting referrals of First nations women who are long term victims of abuse.

    The diversion project at the Edmonton Courts threatens the woman’s children should she fail to co-operate. Alberta Children’s services and Metis Children’s services co-operate with these programs which target those who receive services or request services. The women are abused and attacked by threat as against their children who are often the focus of an abuse campaign which includes demands that a criminal accusation be made against their spouse unless they want an allegations made against them. The Police then make a charge against the person who they believe is the victim. Her children are apprehended and placed in dangerous circumstances. ( Alberta Children’s services does this as a political and racist assault on kinship care choosing the least effective most overwhelmed placement or one which they can be assured will break down to allow them to place with Non-First nations. Their goal is the trafficking of the child outside of the community when possible and disorganizing the First Nations community by abuse of placements by swearing them to secrecy, preventing communication and support, providing false information on the parents and abusing their relationships.)

    Those who have family members who are dominated by the Hells Angels or gangs in jail or owe debts are particularly vulnerable as the offenders can make anonymous calls. In addition the Police have created a diversion program which serves mainly Caucasian and Asian prostitutes. These prostitutes are provided with grants from Grant MacEwan University as well as Norquest College. They are mainly employed as care-givers ( 10 week workfare programs) or aids lab techs as well as LPNs. These real gang prostitutes do not give up drug dealing nor do they stop their gang affiliations. Women of First Nations descent abused by the Edmonton Police services and the RCMP Task forces are attacked and false accused.

    Several SNUGG programs ( Bosco/Terra /Casa) and abusive false accusation programs have targeted First nations girls and women in the center of the city particularly those made homeless as a result of abuse or as a result of aging out of children’s services or who are involved in relationships with those who are gang members and are at the lower echelons. Some are pregnant and are to be forced to give up their children. These young women and girls victims of the gang member Police confidential informants are said to have someone who has intuited that they are involved in the sex trade. In many cases they are accused of couch surfing which is now an accepted definition of prostitution in Edmonton only via the Aboriginal Municipal Affairs Committee decree made in 1999 by chairperson Derek Chewka a gay rights activist and Non-First Nations. Each of the Inner City Agencies has accepted and expounded upon this special definition at length abusing First nations girls and women by suspicion. This defintion is taught to the older girls and women directly against our culture which is inclusive and permits couch surfing to those in need.( The Hope Mission, the Bissell Center, the Mustard Seed church and especially the Boyle Street Co-op are among the worst offenders.)

    Women are so badly treated they are not allowed to have new underwear nor hygene products while they are forced into the streets. Children’s services uses this as part of the breaking down process. They are permitted to have vouchers to thift stores which support the inner city charities they rely on for services.

    Each of the programs watches the individuals who attend at their programs and reports the ones who are unwary or who talk to or associate with the wrong people. The wrong people could be any one of the numerous male clients and most who attend do not know who who is who until hey have already been subjected to the drug dealers and pimps or con-artists of the Non-First nations gangs which operate with impunity, as well as to robberies. Many of the First nations girls forced into this area by referral and for services are abused by those individuals.They are labelled as “unstable” or suffering “rapid decompensation” by Mary Trottier/ Stephanie Burley ( daughter of Mary Burley) among others who control them and suggest they place their children in care by agreement. The word is put out on them in order to force them to do as they are bid. No-one is to provide a fair service to them.

    Many will be beaten attacked and robbed while the Police informants report on this and are involved themselves. Most First nations do not know that the risk of placing their children will allow an all out attack as agencies now consider the woman as a single homeless and she is placed at the bottom of lists and subjected to the abuse and attack by Mental health First Aiders and Police teams and under-cover officers placed with the referrals of the First nations services. Several of the program co-ordinators are themselves involved with the Non-First nations gangs or corrupt Police Services teams among others, Mary Trottier a former prostitute among the many working in the services, a false accuser ( recovered memories). Several clients will note that she tells their stories as if they are her own background, and an individual who supports the false allegations against First nations children by the Edmonton Police Services which is composing a list of Children and youth to be intentionally harassed, and Hells Angels (Al Kitlitz )Biker Mama.

    The other abuse program is the Native Counseling Services of Alberta programs refusing to provide support services to the false accused women within the family and youth services programs. By Alberta Justice agreement in 2006 they have withdrawn all services unless supervised and specifically requested by a lawyer to allow these false plea bargains. The request is that the women and girls simply go along with all of the allegations under duress and that is if they don’t they will be attacked continually false accused and their children placed at extreme risk.

    The children are often placed with the gang members side of the family by intentional abuse of placing children entitled to FIrst Nations status with Non-First nations or their parents in order to force the girls and women into prostitution or into crime. These hostage takings of children by Alberta Children’s Services teams done in conjunction with those services are responsible for a series of deaths of First Nations girls and women as they age out at about age 24 years or when they become more resistent and the beatings and knife wounds no longer suffice or for any reason. They become less useful to their captors and in most cases the Non-Fiirst nations prostitutes are no longer interested in including them in their bid to make a pretense of force against themselves by making use of the statistics generated concerning the terrible violence and abuse which is used to keep FN women and girls in line. ( The Non-First Nations often gang members use this information to press for legalization of prostitution as it would then be safer they say at the Prostitute Action and Awareness Foundation of Edmonton also connected to several Balkan former soviet states.)

    Their bodies are dumped in the fields surrounding Edmonton generally near the Biker gangs territories in the southeast or west. In addition the attacks by the Asian gangs are supported by this group in particular as they are the major drug importers. The programs endangering children and youth are intended to force them into the gangs for self protection. The Abuse of these youth and forced formation of gangs has resulted form the absolute refusal of the Police to intervene with the investigation and arrest of the major gangs developing in the area and their attack and abuse against First Nations Youth. The referrals fro gang intervention are made against those children who are abused attacked or bullied by Non-First nations in the school system and are generally referred as a result of teacher involved bullying. These innocent children become a part of an exclusively Police data base or are labeled by suspicion of gang involvement in a school or because they are victims of bullying by a gang. Only First Nations are subjected to “prevention” services.

    NCSA services are involved in promoting recovered memory syndrome therapy in order that those who feel safe enough to report murders or attacks are then accused of recovering memories. The Recovered memory syndrome specialist at NCSA is Karen Erisksen. In these sessions now popular for discrediting victims the abusers attack children and youth by hypnotism, dream interpretation cross culturally, and several relaxation and new age unproven treatment programs. A victim has already been accused in the “recovered memory” of abuse by the attacker Mike Krywoheza of the murder of baby Chrystal Coombes by Justice Mandersheid.

    Child abuse described in testimony before the supreme court of British Columbia water-boarding babies to keep them quiet, and on Dr. Phil abusing children by calling them liars and forcing cold showers and hot sauce on the tongue has been noted in the Mormon Bigamists at Bountiful and main stream Mormon adoptive groups against children. The RCMP are about to investigate 31 Canadian children are known to have been trafficked into the United States to Warren Jeffs programs of FLDS Mormons. These are Non-First nations in origin and are not recommended for use with those who are expected to testify against a attacker. The intention to discredit is done in services to the gangs.

    Human trafficking is also an issue in this program and as they did throughout the early 1970s and through-out the 1980s in Saskatchewan the Mormon abuse Program of Bosco Homes is involved in trafficking children through-out Canda and as in Saskatchewan through-out the world. Children trafficked thus were raised in far away places and Bosco left Saskatchewan to avoid a full investigation into their abuse of First Nations children in 1987. Buffy St Marie is an example of the child trafficking pattern leaving so called 60s scoop repatriates untreated and although many lead valuable lives despite the trafficking many are devastated.

    Among repatriates many are untreated and are not a part of their communities as they have been alienated and dumped unceremoniusly into the streets by both foster and adoptive parents ( usually at about age twelve) and are subjected to falsehoods about their families.These individuals internalize racism and some have returned to abuse their own people after a life in the streets or in gangs. They are trained to blame their families for the things that were done to them while in care. Some have been indoctrinated ( especially among Mormons and in Born Again Christian wife swapping groups or CULT Non-denominationals Positive thinking or Christian science) and are actively recruiting and harming their own at this point. Most are Non-First Nations administrators and delegates who are extremely abusive and racist targeting First Nations children through their placements in programs which are to serve First nations children and Youth. The programs are permitted to force their religion on children as soon as they come into care and several funded services provide only on that basis.

    According to the most recent information available the Alberta response Model teams and their supporters have targeted and attacked 12000 children and they are over 65% First nations. The children are subjected to abuse and many are false accused of mental illness. The children are forced onto medications especially in Bosco services which are now allied with Native Counseling services through consultant Lanny Derr and Lenard Desjarlais as board members. The abuse is involving false allegations then the use of medications which produce symptoms the most prized of which is agitation. Agitation entitles the offenders ( Bosco Homes workers /Police/ Youth Workers/ School teacher’s aids and ‘FASD workers”) to physically attack and restrain.

    The abuse begins with the use of the teams which provide false information by verbal report and have children and youth attacked and their parents forced into submission. The attacks are passed along to the programs which are considered team members who are able to prescribe the damaging medications.

    Assaults against First Nations men ( especially elders) and women are done in the same type by attackers in the Mental health at Risk Response teams who assault First nations then have them attacked and drugged at emergency room through-out the city. Many are unaware of their ability to refuse all medical exams and actions against them while under arrest and are given stupifying substances then interviewed by the team doctors ( Dr. Alice Cojacaru/ Dr. Tim Graham/ Dr. PJ White/ Dr Moustaffa Adam) who find them to be mentally ill on the basis of false reports and their behavior while reacting to the forced medications. This entitles them to force a weeks stay and many are released when it is time for the hearing. Some are forced into a 30 day stay if they accept any additional medication once the Police threat although many nursing staff continue to act as threatening, is no longer an issue. Security staff tend to be less violent and more often held to account. This is technically legal in Alberta.

    A single law-suite on behalf of the children has been made available through Robert Lee and has been certified to proceed. The basis is abuse of process. A class action law-suite is being arranged on the basis of inability to refuse treatment and forced medications while under threat of violence and attack by the Police. Generally a series of medications or psycho-active pharmaceuticals are used to create the faked symptoms. Constable Em Chan and his Police Services brother who have been associated with the Crazy Dragons are involved in this abuse. Constable Karston Kelm and several of the guards at the Multi-Level prison for Women in West Edmonton have been associated with the prison prostitution ring which runs out of the prison during lunch and after work traffic. The women are 60% HIV positive. ( Kelm’s stepson was murdered in a drug involved body dumping near his brother’s trailer.)

    In Alberta Children are 6 times more likely to die in care than they are at their own homes they are also more likely to be seriously injured enough to be hospitalized and they are also more likely to do self harm or commit suicide. Children as babies or as toddlers are by far more at risk of death in care via murder. Shaken bay syndrome a euphemism for beating to death is the most common cause of their deaths. The number one most substantiated reason for children to be in care is child witness to domestic violence. Annual reports and information available on-line substantiates these numbers in which the government of Alberta is intentionally endangering and abusing First nations women and children as well as their parents. The murders are intentional as the women are over-policed blamed for their own abuse and severely victimized with all of the support of these services above listed. These programs are intended to protect Non_First Nations gangs at the expense of their victims and in most cases the women involved are murdered at the rate of 7 times more often by an acquaintance or stranger than any other women. ( See the NWAC 2010 report on the Murdered and missing First nations women.)

    I have fully investigated the planned assault of these women and children by systemic abuse and intentional endangerment and it is carried through in each case. In the United States many of these individuals would be charged with 2nd degree murder as they are in fact gang members and their supporters and it is the gangs such as “Hockey Bag” ( Thomas Svekla ) who are murdering the women and raping the children. ( In Vancouver Hells Angels gang associate Robert Pickton has been responsible for the murders. His brother Dave co-owner of the PIG farm is a full patch member.)

    As in Alberta women are often recruited through the services such as the Alcohol and Drug Abuse treatment facilities which these members encourage their biker mamas by both advice and abuse to have the young women leave early. when they are not force recruiting them through the street level services by false allegations and forced homelessness. For example the campaign 2000 funding for children in poverty was provided to these services at last report they had spent all of the funds on single males their usual demographic, and only 11% of the funds went to youth or families.

    Attacks and racist abuse or forced indoctrlnation into cults and religious sects is also involved in these “services”.

    In each case the false reports and civil rights violations form the backdrop for the murders.


    Anne Fox

  2. Freedom of Information and Privacy Protections have been abandoned in Alberta. The underfunded Privacy commissioner takes on only the most serious issues in most cases they are not effectively represented and issues in the use of information by these means has been legalized by the prioritization of the to right to health and safety of children by Supreme Court Decision. However the matter has become a free access to information by use of the teams. Issues in Alberta response Model teams traces directly to the involvement of the programs in service to the teams. As many as three thousand women have been falsely accused of abusing their offenders or domestic violence batterers.

    Ongoing surveillance and abuse to innocent victims of the Police Services as legal advisers and integrated task forces and Alberta response Model teams does also include the use of Domestic Violence Teams which operate from the Family and Children’s Community Services which is 80% funded by Alberta Children’s services and 20% funded by the municipality. These programs are connected directly to emergency protection order services as well as programs of falsified emergency apprehensions within Alberta Children’s Services Crisis Units. The abuse of the child by these programs is often connected to the use of informational brochures on “male abuse” provided by Elaine Grandin a noted offender apologist connected first with several groups writing on the topic of excuses for the members of the priesthood involved in sexually assaulting children and to the use of programming for those who are both gang members. Grandin recognizes no differentiation in the status of the individuals, nor does she allow that in most cases women can not be members. The fact that several racially oriented or biased gangs do not permit membership of First Nations is ignored. Associations to gangs are not attributable to each member of a couple. In short the creation of a program of decisions or discretion based on an “ideal” of equality is not simply unrealistic it is dangerous.

    These abusive programs are aimed at those who are suspected of involvement in criminal activities. The issue is that while the offender under surveillance may be reported by a local confidential informant the female counterpart almost always many years younger than the offender may be completely unaware of the gang initiatives. Abuse of young women and especially of girls by the offenders at Alberta Children’s service soften assign blame to the much younger girls who are subjected to rounds of abuse. In several cases the use of loans to gamble and or provision of young girls with stupifying substances and indoctrination prior to the beginning demands for returns on the loans. In many cases the girl or very young woman is also subjected to a gang affiliated prostitute such as those most commonly connected to the affiliations of the local Non-First Nations groups such as the fifty strong teen prostitute group involved in indoctrinating younger children for pay. In Edmonton Rohipnol as well as other drugs are used to initiate younger girls.

    The issue is the over-policing and under-protection of the children/youth and their exposure to these influences both at school and as foster children through the group contagion. In many cases these girls are more often likely to be abused by the youth workers who they attempt to approach fro services. In those instances often the girls are either refused support and are caused to be homeless and they are driven into the arms of the older pimps as in the ongoing pressure to become involved through older girls since 2004 proven and known to be indoctrinating girls and children. ( Note the Prostitute Action and Awareness Foundation of Edmonton provides grants to the Grant MaCEwan University and Norquest College to gang prostitutes who also traffic in illicit drugs, creating an additional opportunities for corruption or danger to girls who say no or who report offenders.)

    In several cases these girls subjected to the abuse of the teams are also requested by Metis Children’s services Edmonton Police Services and the Crown prosecutor’s Office to receive funds and then to become intoxicated with various substances. To be observed in a practice that endangers their lives. Since this has been repeated as a training program over the past ten years three children and youth have been very ill as a result of the taking of ecstasy and in one case two girls of Enoche died as a result of being passed “free” ecstasy at a wedding. The practice was discontinued in 2010. Experimentation on human subjects has been tolerated against First nations children as a result of the use of policy decisions and falsified data provided through the programs which create the issues for these families and girls. False evidence bases are created through these practices which permit the study by the Alberta Children’s services research board advising on policy changes and actions. All policy is non_first nations based and the data is effectively skewed by the creation of these issues. False reporting is common place and is intended to prevent the provision of genuine services in health care and in education as well as to force religious practices which are foreign to the recipients.

    Forced referral provides a funding base for the services which are recommended by the programs at Alberta Children’s services and the funding is then placed for tender to those services willing to follow through on unethical abuse of children and their families. Ethical standards have been prioritized in order to allow for several of the standards to be omitted for the sake of expedience. Team Members in “multi-disciplinary teams receive preferential referrals and access to funding in the development and service to children who are in many cases false diagnosed as mentally ill “special needs”. The false services are provided by the use of a method such as the data base of children in care. In the case of the FASD spectrum disorder funding provided to a huge number for service providers at the rat of one in each private service as well as one FASD worker in each district office ( Ten Serving First nations and another eight serving on reserve or near reserves.)

    The service was decided by a falsified random sample in which the issue was that in 100 files 70% of children in care were found to have a family member who was effected by FASD spectrum disorder. Please note that each file contains a genological chart covering three generations and may contain past marriages and family members in that connection. There is no requirement that the ‘target child” was the person who was diagnosed with FASD. In this methodology the individual involved with children’s services may well be related distantly to a person by as many as three degrees or within a clan or the clan of the former spouse. This increases the ability to screen exponentially and with a falsified evidence base. In most cases mental health screening is in fact used to cover up exposures to mercury emissions as well as to evade responsibility ( liability) for the exposure of children especially of Paul band but also to those of the northern Cree at Fort Chipweyan to arsenic or Mercury and in the southern tribes to biasphenol A ( The Red deer basin). This forced screening for mental illness in the area of FASD spectrum is often a method of blaming the victims of the exposure to the pollutants while preventing their access to genuine services.

    These issues are also a part of a cover up in the Beaverlodge and Hythe area exposed by a Non-First Nations activist ( Weibo Ludwig) Abuse is intended to prevent children from receiving genuine health services via the province and as a result of avoiding the programs agreed to internationally through the Kyotto Accord. ( Dr, David Swann was removed form his position with Alberta health in Southern Alberta as a result of his public demands that the matter be dealt with in 2001. He subsequently became the leader of the Liberal party in Alberta.) Dr. Raj Sherman MLA has also been false accused of “mania” by the doctor once responsible for the reorganization of the abusive programs of mental health screening aimed at adults ( Dr. Patrick White now of the Alberta Medical Association.) Surveilance of the recipients of services can now be done through multi-disciplinary team ( includes RCMP and Municipal Police) access to medical and health records through Alberta Health Services informatics ( Dr. Tim Graham) Inappropriate screening by racial tracking permits preventative and investigative apprehensions.

    Several program have been initiated for school screening by Mark Snaterse of AHS Addictions and Mental Health by use of “The Way In” programs. These screenings will not be permitting any services in culturally based programs as a result of the Snaterse studies of the comparisons between youth in the Netherlnds and First nations youth which promote a refusal of culturally relevant health care services and care to First Nations. Snaterse study was both irrelevant and the data base was skewed and comparing a widely diverse cultural anomalous group which does not support his conclusions. In addition the group to which he made comparisons has no standing in the separate international treaty or legally protected indigenous culture by UN convention as our First Nations children in Canada.The use of a falsification of evidence based non-empirical nor replicable study has been the basis for most of the program and policy decisions. In each case these policy supports have been created as a marketing manipulation campaign providing ineffective and dishonest services as a market for the pharmaceutical lobby and in a synergistic avoidance of liability for the services of health care as out-lined under calls for action via Jordan’s principle supporters. Each of the protests has been both peaceful and based on entitlements as well as appropriate requests that the civil and treaty rights of First nations be respected. Health care funding fraud has also resulted from the abuse of Children through these programs of falsification in the data bases.

    Trauma and abuse by the intervention of the teams and demand that they supervise access to health services and that risks to the child of unwarranted interventions by apprehension in what has become a political hostage taking both serving business interests and financial gain to the reporters ( that is team members) and their affiliates. Health Care funding fraud is difficult to prove and in most cases the use of the euphemism “mismanagement” is used to describe these abuses against children and their families. Elly Lilly lobbyists have participated both in the shell legislation for the New Alberta Health Act and on the boards now involved in reviewing practices of Cue jumping for political patrons and friends as well as future decisions for the issue of the demands for genuine services. Once the programs of mismanagement and intervention are involved creating a shield to transparency and accountability several levels of complexity are unnecessarily added to the program of systematic abuse of children via Munchhausen’s by proxy attack.

    See the works of overview of Juristat false reporting and evidence base falsification by the Macdonald Laurier Institute ( Scott Newark) The information in many cases will have been falsified at several levels of entry. The use of the refusal to record the status of the individual as Aboriginal by the Police Teams is also a matter for consideration. Prevention of access to services and to justice initiatives to which families and children or youth are entitled by this method is usual. Preventing tracking of funds and services by the diversion technique and through their ‘community teams” although they access funding for these services.( Victims Services Units + Policing on Reserve+ Safer Cities/ Safer Communities Funding) .In many cases in a “managerial role” and or by secondment.

    This has become a system of busy-bodies and troublemakers at best and corrupt obstruction of justice and breech of trust at worst.


    Anne Fox

  3. where is the cctv map?

  1. Pingback: Talking with a Target: Vancouver Police Department’s “Guns-Drawn” Graffiti Raid Draws Fire | Warrior Publications

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